# Slobodna Bosna 458

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Da biste mogli da pregledate našu internet prezentaciju morate skinuti neki od novijih pretraživača! Because of all this, Croats from Bugojno are not hiding their conviction that those most responsible, including Dzevad Mlaco, Tahir Granic, Abdulah Jelac and others will be brought to justice. Za inozemstvo 200,00 kn zbog znatno većeg troška dostave. Iz Agrokora još ne odgovaraju na naš upit o broju otpuštenih.\
&#x20;![Slobodna Bosna 458](https://gdb.rferl.org/793DD694-B2D0-4BED-8CDC-458FC2819683_mw1024_mh1024_r1_s.jpg)\\

That is why the IC came here. Molimo korisnike da se suzdrže od vrijeđanja, psovanja i vulgarnog izražavanja. FBiH 39,9% RS 43,4% 2001. Izvanredna uprava objavljuje mjesečna izvješća u kojima se broje samo zaposlenici krovne, holding kompanije, pa tako od njihova dolaska nemamo nikakav podatak o broju zaposlenika Grupe. Dalla fine della guerra ad oggi sono circa in 20. Ako ne, čekat ću dok ne riješim svoj status dugotrajnim boravkom i radom. Also affiliated with the monastery are the nuns of the monastery in , who had fled from the horrors of in early '90s.

It was not the soldiers' fault, and ultimately the troops who saw what had happened must have faced much more personal disillusion than me. Iako je ruska kompanija uspjela prošle godine smanjiti gubitak u odnosu na 2016.\
&#x20;![Slobodna Bosna 458](http://gdb.rferl.org/458E02F3-DFFA-40C5-8F35-C5872F603858_mw800_mh600.jpg)\\

**ČUDO U HRVATSKOJ: Iz Agrokora nestalo 2.500 ljudi, a niko nije ni primijetio** - Istovremeno je za 7.\
&#x20;![Slobodna Bosna 458](https://gdb.rferl.org/6FBD5921-70DD-4A16-8B46-D6FBF458FB2C_mw1024_mh1024_s.jpg)\\

Moze li neko od ovih srednjobosanaca par rijeci o ovome levatu. Znam ga iz nekih drugih kombinacija pa me interesuje. Navodno je bio zapovjednih HVO-a u Srednjoj Bosni na pocetku ratu i onda zaluta autom, upane u srpsku teritoriju, ono, pocetak rata, jos dogovori iz Beca nisu zazivili, ovi ga oderu od batina. The BiH troops scrambled out of their bunkers among the trees, stumbling down the narrow trenches to take up their positions on the knoll of ground overlooking the Croat-held houses little more than a hundred yards below them. These were confused moments, though once in place it took the fighters only seconds to understand the full horror unfolding before their eyes. The men approaching them were their own, captured days earlier during a dawn infiltration of the Muslim lines by the HVO. Now, forced back across no man's land, the prisoners lurched unnaturally up the hillside. Their hands were strapped to their waists. Improvised claymore mines were attached to their chests, linked to the Croat houses by coils of wire that unravelled slowly with each step of their robotic progress. The human bombs were returning home. As the distance narrowed an officer shouted at his men to shoot them. Two of the prisoners were from Novi Travnik itself, pre-war friends of those in the trench. The third man was from the same unit. The Muslim troops argued frantically among themselves. Some of the soldiers ran back from the lip of the trench to their bunkers. The officer was screaming at the three men to halt. They kept on walking. As they neared the edge of the trench he too fell back. There were three individual explosions, so close together as to roll into one protracted thun-derous roar that bounced echoes between the cold black hills. Blood, shrapnel and tissue sprayed through the trees. For a few seconds there was silence. A couple of soldiers and the officer peered cautiously over the edge of the trench. In the shredded, ankle-high scrub before them they could make out three pairs of legs. It was all that was left of their friends. Though short of ammunition the Muslims' rifle barrels were smoking with heat by the time they finished blazing their empty rage away. The limbs of their men lay before them, tantalizingly close but dangerously out of reach. It was several days before they managed to negotiate a ceasefire and British UN troops came in to remove them. Under their rules of engagement they could not attack the HVO, who were in any case caught up in crowds of Croat civilians. For a time it seemed as though the mob might turn on the UN troops themselves. We were already getting spat at and punched and, for those who could understand the language, there was talk of killing 'all the foreigners'. After intense negotiation and what appeared to be a promise by local HVO commanders to keep their people under control, the next vehicles from the convoy, which had been held over-night behind Muslim lines, took their chance the following day, this time with Warriors picketing the roads. The situation was repeated: trucks halted by mobs; looting and robbing accompanied by bursts of gunfire. I saw one driver punched and kicked repeatedly by civilians and soldiers before being swung onto the prongs of a pitchfork thrust by a woman. Not fifty metres from Viktorija's house a truck was waved down by an HVO soldier. The driver slowed, produced his documents and waved them out of the window at the soldier. Unhurriedly the soldier lifted his Kalashnikov with one arm and fired into the driver's head at point-blank range. The window on the opposite side of the cab blew out in a spray of brains and the truck lurched across the road, crashing into a telegraph post. The gunman walked away. I ran up and peered in the cab. The body was slumped across the seat. His head looked like the pale and empty skin of a squashed baked potato, only with hair. Bits of his brain lay on the seat like jellied semolina. Men, women and children jostled aboard the truck and began to take sacks of flour from the back. They dispersed as more gunfire rattled around us. Down the road a Warrior did open fire, cutting down two HVO as they prepared to attack another truck. The Croats dressed the bodies in suits, claimed they were innocent bystanders murdered by the British, and invited a TV crew to film the cadavers. I got to know the father of one of the men quite well. He is still trying to get financial compensation out of the UN, though he later admitted that his son had been in uniform that day. A lone man ran down the road past Viktorija's house in a state of helpless fear. He was a Muslim driver who had miraculously escaped from his truck alive. We took him to the small UN press house outside the gates of the base. He sat under an apple tree with his head in his hands while a British captain and a colour sergeant actually argued about the man's fate. The key to his survival lay in getting safe passage through the UN camp to the tiny Muslim hamlet on the other side. Yet under UN rules no Bosnian civilians were allowed into their bases. It never looked as if the British soldiers would kick the Muslim out into the street again, yet what seemed like an obvious course of action — providing an armed escort to take the man down the road through the base to the other side — took a long time to discuss, and even longer to implement. It made your blood pound to see two 'peacekeepers' arguing about a man's life. Unarmed people were getting murdered before the eyes of a British force which had the firepower and equipment to take the whole valley in a matter of hours if it wished, yet could only watch, like bovine commuters in a London tube who shuffle past a gang of skinheads kicking a hapless individual on the platform. It was not the soldiers' fault, and ultimately the troops who saw what had happened must have faced much more personal disillusion than me. The blame lay with the organization that put them in that situation — the UN. Thank God it was not me in a Warrior that day, battling the instinct to crush the barricades and those upon them with its tracks, while instead having to look on as innocent men were bestially murdered. Mi smo živjeli zajedno, školovali se, družili i na kraju zajedno i ratovali protiv SCA. Kada sukobi počnu mora se pucati ili biti upucan. Zapravo, ma koliko to sada zvučalo kontradiktorno, da bi nas se zavadilo u SB, a to nije išlo baš lahko i jednostavno, tamo su iz Zagreba upućivani mudžahedini, taj dolazak i prolazak je debelo naplaćivan u oružju, novcu i hrani koja je kao humanitarna pomoć slata, a priča kako su oni prijetnja, opasnost i smrtni neprijatelj Hrvatima SB, došla je iz Zagreba čak i prije nego što su oni imali dvije tri desetine ljudi i to računajući i humanitarce i borce. Uzmite haške dokumente i provjerite ove navode jer iz njih je po datumia i opštinama ovaj scenario potanko opisan od Prozora, G, Vakufa, Busovače, Kiseljaka, N. Travnika, Viteza, Travnika, Žepća itd. Sa nekim prijateljima od prije rata ja i danas sjedim, pričam i družimo se ali samo u sredinama van SB. A to je opasno!!! Ipak smo jedno vrijeme bili na suprotnim stranama i pucali jedni na druge. Na žalost neka prijateljstva su i prekinuta pa i kad se eventualno negdje sretnemo više se i ne pozdravljamo. Neke je mržnja pobijedila i definitivno zarobila. Istina o ratu malo pričamo. To su obostrano neprijatne teme ali oko ovog scenarija smo apsolutno saglasni. Ali o tome se može samo šaptati i nikako na glas pričati. Još dosta vode Lašvom mora proteći dok te nelagodne teme mognu postati obićnim časkanjem. Finansijski najteži sastanak bio je onaj od 8. Petković je do kraja jula 1993. Dogovoreno je da Hrvati 8,092. Sav taj novac došao je, naravno, iz Hrvatske, jer se u to vrijeme HVO finansiralo direktno iz Zagreba. Prvi sastanak koji je Haško tužiteljstvo izdvojilo je onaj od 5. Kao predstavnik Hrvatske bio je Slobodan Praljak, koji je od marta 1992. Praljak od Mladića traži da srpske snage prekinu granatirati Slavonski Brod. Hrvati iz Jajca Srbima će dati struju, a oni će im zauzvrat pustiti vodu. Praljak ako je vjerovati dnevničkim bilješkama predlaže Mladiću obustavu sukoba. Mnogo toga što se u SB događalo potpuno je neobjašnjivo. Najprije su četnici počinili velike masakre i krvoprolića nad Hrvatima. Tada smo bili TO, HOS, MOS itd. Onda smo kao jedna Armija branili teritoriju koju četnici još nisu bili zaposjeli. I bili više nego uspješni u tome iako sa neuporedivo, neuporedivo manje MTS-a. A onda su nas dojučerašnji saborci počeli napuštati, izdavati, kopati rovove unutar teritorije koju smo do tada zajedno branili. A onda preustroj HVO-a, nova politika, strategija, ucjene i agresija. Bili smo uvjereni da ne možemo preživjeti. Nakon sukoba znali smo neke linije odbrane formirati sa po 10 deset metaka po borcu i automatskoj puški. Onaj ko je bio u ratu zna kakva je to ludost. Ali mi drugog izbora nismo imali. Njihove optužbe da mi izazivamo incidente i sukobe ne mogu biti ubjedljive ni ludom čovjeku. Bez hrane, bez oružja, municije, opreme o nečemu težem, protivoklopima, artiljeriji i drugim oruđima da i ne govorimo. A onda otvorena i potpuna saradnja sa četnicima. I potpuno okruženje i bezizlaz. Morali smo nešto poduzeti. Ludo ali jedino moguće... Krenuli i pomjerili ih. U Gučoj Gori kada smo im uzeli zgradu Komande našli telegrame, zapisnike, karte... Sve dogovoreno, isplanirano, nacrtano... Teritorija koju smo mi držali podijeljena dokle će koji uzeti... A mi ispod Guče Gore formiramo linije odbrane sa po deset metaka... A na Vlašiću prema četnicima u rovovima ljudi i od po 70 godina. Bilo i ne ponovilo se! U Gučoj Gori kada smo im uzeli zgradu Komande našli telegrame, zapisnike, karte... Sve dogovoreno, isplanirano, nacrtano... Teritorija koju smo mi držali podijeljena dokle će koji uzeti... A mi ispod Guče Gore formiramo linije odbrane sa po deset metaka... A na Vlašiću prema četnicima u rovovima ljudi i od po 70 godina. Bilo i ne ponovilo se! To su VRS i HVO još u maju 1992. Naravno: - Okretali janjce sa kvislinzima na Vlasicu i dogovarali se sa njima sta i kako da im pomognu kada ovi napadnu Travnik a i sta ako im napad propadne, na osnovu toga je i ono prebacivanje kvislinga sa oruzjem sve do Kiseljaka - U Kiseljaku vec od 1992 organizovali saradnju i druzenje pa je bilo obicnije vidjeti cetnike po kaficima nego u Bulajicevim filmovima - u Kiseljaku zajedno sa kvislinzima opsluzivali artiljeriju sa kojom su pucali po okolnim mjestima, pa cak i po Sarajevu - dobivali tenkove i artiljeriju kao ispomoc i koliko je isla saradnja da su poslije Vasingtonskog sporazuma cetnici za vrijeme one zabrane teskog naoruzanja u zoni od 20 km oko Sarajeva svoje tesko naoruznaje skladistili u Kiseljaku - razmjena obavjestajnih podataka o Armiji koja nije stala sve do prestanka agresije 1995 - sudjelovanja u zajednickim obavjestajnim akcijama protiv Armije, koje nisu prestajale sve do kraja agresije 1995 - proslijedivanje zarobljenih Bosnjaka, civila i vojnika - predaja polozaja kvislinga cetnicima - zbrinjavanje ranjenih kvislinga po cetnickim bolnicama - prolazi konvoja ljudstva , naoruzanja i MTS kvislinga preko teritorija koje su kontrolisali cetnici dobro su to odradili zero72 wrote:nidje veze, Kiseljak je bio prejaK, saradnja sa Srbima, angazovali njihove prage i tenkove po potrebi, na kraju je hvo imao inicijativu uzeli neke kote prema Busovaci i da je potrajalo spojili bi se s Vitezom, a onda bi udruzeno udarili na Fojnicu... HVO sve sto je mogao to je i uradio,,,na kraju krajeva nikad ne bi potpiso primirje da nije bio u bezizlaznoj situaciji. Primirje su, između ostalog, potpisali jer su saznali da Armija više nije htjela trpjeti Kiseljak i da su se počele trupe gomilati za konačni obračun s tom enklavom, po svaku cijenu. Bilo bi krvi do koljena, ali Kiseljak bi pao. A te bajke o protivofanzivi HVO-a i preuzimanju inicijative i o tome kako Fojnica samo što nije bila pala su divne, di-vne zero72 wrote:nidje veze, Kiseljak je bio prejaK, saradnja sa Srbima, angazovali njihove prage i tenkove po potrebi, na kraju je hvo imao inicijativu uzeli neke kote prema Busovaci i da je potrajalo spojili bi se s Vitezom, a onda bi udruzeno udarili na Fojnicu... HVO sve sto je mogao to je i uradio,,,na kraju krajeva nikad ne bi potpiso primirje da nije bio u bezizlaznoj situaciji. Primirje su, između ostalog, potpisali jer su saznali da Armija više nije htjela trpjeti Kiseljak i da su se počele trupe gomilati za konačni obračun s tom enklavom, po svaku cijenu. Bilo bi krvi do koljena, ali Kiseljak bi pao. A te bajke o protivofanzivi HVO-a i preuzimanju inicijative i o tome kako Fojnica samo što nije bila pala su divne, di-vne HVO je napao Bugojno, travnik, mostar i vakuf kao cetiri glavna grada. Izuzev pola mostara svugdje su dozivjeli debakl. Nema se sta izmisljat kad postoje dokumenti koji govore o planiranim operacijama. Vitez, Kiseljak, Busovaca bi pali jer nije bilo sanse da se odrze. Nastavkom borbi na juznom dijelu BiH, Mostar bi dosao u bezizlazan polozaj za hrvate , a samim tim i ZH odnosno HB. Finta sto bi to dovelo do ukljucivanje Hrvatske otvoreno u rat e onda sta bi bilo ko zna... Nisu u potpuno blkoiranom mostaru mogli da uzmu 10 metara na bulevaru u santicevoj, a da prave nekakve akcije zauzimanja gradova... Dobio je epski degenek. Zna li neko nesto vise o ovom slucaju? Tihomir Čuljak piše da je ŽT u maju 92-e bio zarobljen na Rostovu od strane ARBiH.
